Syrians are scattered around the world. The United Nations estimates that 13.5 million people – more than half of Syria’s population – fled the civil war. Nine years later, the conflict is ongoing and President Bashar al-Assad is still in power. The Alwaleed Centre for the Study of Islam in the Contemporary World at the University of Edinburgh held a workshop on ‘Syrian (im)mobilities’ to reflect on questions of movement, settlement, and return. Community members, researchers, and practitioners shared their perspectives on current and future challenges facing displaced Syrians in the UK, the EU and the Middle East. As part of the Doctors within Borders project, I attended the workshop as a way to think through complexities related to the health of mobile populations, such as asylum-seekers and refugees. Though health was not an explicit focus of the Alwaleed Centre workshop, the session nonetheless provided an overview of the complexities experienced by mobile populations and host countries.
Three themes emerged: Shifting mobilities Countries have differing and shifting policies in terms of receiving people who flee conflict. In the United Kingdom, refugee status is awarded only to children and spouses, not grandparents, children over 18, nor second spouses (permitted by traditional Islamic law). Before 2005, claimants were given indefinite leave to remain. After 2005, claimants were allowed to remain for up to five years. In 2016, the UK passed a more punitive Immigration Act focused on illegal migration. Such sharp shifts over a ten-year period suggest that policy instability will be an ongoing challenge for claimants, as well as health care providers. Globally, Turkey hosts the most Syrian refugees: 3.6 million. In Turkey, refugees are welcomed as guests. This is, in part, because Turkey is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention. Initially, Turkey had an open door policy. However, presenter Dr. Timothy Peace (University of Glasgow, Politics), as part of the GLIMER Project, noted that the influx of Syrians was so great that services were overwhelmed resulting in clashes, such as long lines at dentist and doctor offices. In 2014, a Turkish law on Foreigners and International Protection was introduced to clarify the status of Syrians beyond ‘guest’ and to formally enable access to health, education, social assistance, and employment. Dr. Ibrahim Efe (University of Manchester / Kilis 7 Aralik University) and Professor Tim Jacoby (University of Manchester, Global Development Institute) observe that there is a disjuncture between law and reality. Dr. Dogus Simsek (University College London, Political Sociology) found that as of 2019, only 31,000 Syrians obtained work permits for formal employment. This suggests that there are ongoing barriers to employment, and that such barriers may be experienced in other sectors, such as health care, as well as in other countries. Spectre of return Amidst the multiple pressures of fleeing conflict, seeking asylum, and navigating permission to stay, known as ‘leave to remain,’ there is the spectre of return. Syrian refugee, Nadia Akta (University of Edinburgh, Alwaleed Centre) described the realities of creating a new life from scratch in a foreign country. Challenges include, but are by no means limited to: learning a new language, navigating unfamiliar systems, including health care access, and looking for work. Such an uphill struggle would make many wish for the familiarity of home. For some, the possibility of returning to Syria shadows the experience of creating a new life in another country. In contrast, younger generations may be less interested in returning to Syria as they have no memories there, or only memories of war. For political activists and those who embraced the more liberal cultures of host countries, such as an emerging LGBTQ scene in Lebanon, returning to Syria is not an option due to threat of torture and death. There are multiple ongoing tensions: staying versus going, feeling temporary versus being permanent, and dreams of here versus there, wherever here and there may be. All of which impact mental and emotional health. Agency Between the ongoing civil war, shifting national policies in host countries, and the spectre of return, mobile populations lack control over their own lives. But mobile populations are not without agency. Two examples are from Lebanon and Jordan. Lebanon hosts the highest number of refugees per capita: one refugee for every 21 citizens. Lebanon opened schools to Syrian students. Dr. Carmen Geha (American University of Beirut, Political Studies) identifies this as one of Lebanon’s key success in terms of responding to the Syrian crisis. However, though schools are open, refugees experience racism on a daily basis from fellow students and teachers. Dr. Arek Dakessian (Queen Margaret University, Sociology) and colleagues found that young Syrians emerged as political actors. He told a story about one student who was bullied. In response, his parents did not allow the boy to play outdoors. The boy convinced his bully to visit his home and apologise. He was then allowed to play outdoors again. Another story was of a student who experienced racism from a teacher. The student went to the school principal and the next day the teacher apologised. These young people recognise that refugees as a group are repressed by social structures. They took courageous steps to navigate frictions and create more freedom for themselves. In Jordan, agency takes the form of building homes. There are 80,000 refugees at the Zatarri refugee camp, making it Jordan’s fourth largest city. However, the majority of refugees in Jordan live in cities and small towns, not camps. As with Turkey, Syrians were welcomed as temporary guests. Further, given tribal relationships that pre-date modern nation states Syrians are viewed as relatives. Dr. Ann-Christin Wagner (Anthropology, University of Edinburgh) described the mobility-based coping strategies used by Syrians that originated long before the war, such as frequent border crossings to find work. In Jordan, some Syrians are given land by their relatives on which to build a home. The land is understood as a temporary gift. When the visitors return to Syria, these new homes will increase land value and by extension social mobility of the Jordanian hosts. On one hand, mobile livelihoods and different types of welcoming and belonging shaped the region. On the other hand, Syrians serve as cheap labour and enable the migratisation of the labour economy. Issues of class and land ownership, complicating acts of solidarity, welcoming and agency. For Dr. Wagner, a key question is how to make circular migration safer and more dignified. While the above examples focus on homes and schools, for Doctors within Borders, they raise questions abut the power structures experienced by mobile populations, as well as the agency mobile populations exert within healthcare systems. Resources
Dr. Stephanie Sodero is a Banting Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the University of Edinburgh in Medical Anthropology and member of the Doctors within Borders Network.
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